Tplf members list


  • Ethiopia’s Conflict: Will Negotiations With the TPLF Work?
  • TPLF downsized Executive Committee members
  • Australian Outlook
  • Ethiopia to designate TPLF, OLF-Shene as ‘terror’ groups
  • TPLF and Shene designated as terrorist organisations
  • Ethiopia: TPLF Becomes a ‘Terrorist’ Organization
  • Ethiopia’s Conflict: Will Negotiations With the TPLF Work?

    Estimated reading time: 5 minutes 61 Shares Between and , Ethiopian people protested en masse against the TPLF-led government, which was experienced by many as oppressive, violent and self-serving.

    As war consumes the northern regions, and these aspirations are put into question, civil rights activists in Welkait give hope to Ethiopian values of brotherhood, sisterhood and cooperation. When the TPLF gained control over the country in , overtly a civilian government was installed while covertly its military cadres stayed in control.

    Along with the introduction of ethnic federalism, regional borders were drawn to reflect language groups. For geopolitical purposes, however, the TPLF included indigenous, geographically and culturally Amhara and Afar territories in the Tigray region.

    People who kept their Amhara identity were harassed, dispossessed, killed, arrested, kidnapped and deported. Amhara girls and women were reportedly abducted and raped by TPLF fighters and teachers. In schools and administrative offices, people were forced to speak Tigrinya only.

    Names of places, rivers, lakes, mountains, springs, cities and regions were changed from Amharic to Tigrinya names. Indigenous Welkait Amhara ask for basic civil and democratic rights Despite these violent experiences , affected people chose a peaceful response. They requested state institutions recognise their indigenous Amhara identity and end discrimination. They summarised their grievances, attached evidence and submitted the letter to the zonal, regional and federal offices on 17 December Each office refused to hear the case.

    Some argued that it is a matter of identity, others that it pertains to borders. According to the constitution, the former should have been dealt with on the state or zonal level, the latter on the federal. In sum, the appointed Committee brought its issue forward in a peaceful and democratic way, based on legitimate claims and the laws of the country.

    A government response of arbitrary arrests, torture and killings Half a year later, the Tigray region still refused to deal with the question. Committee member Colonel Demeke Zewdu clashed with and resisted the soldiers who came at night to arrest him without a court order. These arbitrary arrests of Welkait Committee members triggered a chain of protests across the Amhara region.

    The Welkait question, combined with similar cases in Oromia and other regions, became a national question for democratisation and justice.

    Peaceful protesters expressed concerns regarding the unequal distribution of power and economic exploitation by those aligned to the TPLF government. Colonel Demeke Zewdu, credited for spurring democratisation in Ethiopia, insisted on peaceful and democratic processes following the rule of law, despite harassment and life threats. His insistence on lawful procedures was regarded as a starting point for political reform processes under Abiy Ahmed. In the meeting, they agreed that the Tigray security forces must stop harassing and killing civilians.

    Ahmed promised that the Welkait Committee would be able to work in peace and that the Welkait question would be dealt with according to the constitution. In exchange, he demanded the Committee keep the people calm.

    However, while the committee members in Gondar were free, the TPLF terror has gotten worse in the annexed areas. People expressing their Amhara identity such as speaking the language or listening to Amharic songs were beaten, incarcerated, shot or pushed over cliffs to their deaths. In , the TPLF-funded informal youth group samri chased many Amhara from their indigenous area in May-Kadra , the town which in November became infamously known for a massacre.

    Since , TPLF refused to return state power but used its resources and networks to create instability in different parts of the country. Despite its assurance to only target TPLF leaders with arrest warrants to their name, the government and ENDF were unable to convince the international community of their commitment and service to Tigrayan civilians. Hope for democracy Despite the ongoing conflicts, Ethiopia held its most democratic elections in June , in which the ruling Prosperity Party secured a majority.

    The people chose peace, democracy, development and unity. In three of the ten regions elections could not be held due to insecurity and remain scheduled for 6 September Yet, the situation has not improved and political opponents of the government remain incarcerated. In May , reconciliation talks were held between Amhara and Tigrayan community members. The Welkait Committee remains consistent in its claim for civil rights and justice for all, and likeminded civil rights groups continue to demand justice and democracy while refusing ethnic-based divisions.

    These groups give hope for lasting peace in Ethiopia. Her research focuses on Indigeneity, incarceration and intersectionality. Currently she is researching police accountability at the Berlin School of Economics and Law. Posted In: Conflict Politics Recent.

    TPLF downsized Executive Committee members

    Reset your password Old habits die hard, so they say. The TPLF's leadership community Old habits die hard, so they say. This time the squabbling is over the broadcast of an interview the Regional State's media house has conducted with Seyee Abraha - a rebel leader, former defence minister, dissident in jail, and an opposition figure before getting a placement with the UN in Africa.

    Back into Meqelle for some time now, Seyee is one of the few enigmatic leaders of the TPLF whose public persona in Tigray has regenerated to a spectacular proportion, gossip observed. His closeness with Debretsion G. Michael PhD , chairman of the TPLF and vice president of the Regional State, has become a source of discomfort to some of the old guard, whose influence remains formidable judging by the Seyee-saga.

    Who speaks on behalf of the leadership there has been a concern for the guys in charge now, with members of the old guard saying, rather with authority, stuff deemed to be inflammatory, gossip claims. The leadership put an embargo on them until such time as an operational standard is introduced by the media house, hoping such a rule clears up the confusion.

    This has brought the law of unintended consequences, claims gossip. Seyee was interviewed in the meantime; hence aggrieving others such as Abay Tsehaye and Sebhat Nega that they were treated with a double-standard, claims gossip. Their supporters in the leadership pushed for a hold on airing Seyee's interview, despite the unequivocal voice of Debretsion in favour of broadcasting it, gossip disclosed. Whether or not it is broadcast, however, the dickering over the interview brings to light a simmering power struggle between the political bureau members of the TPLF who sided with the respective warring elders of the TPLF, claims gossip.

    The cleavage within the TPLF from the s debacle appears to be far from over, gossip observed. How Abiy Ahmed's PhD Prosperity Party responds to this development up in Meqelle will define - in more ways than one - which faction survives the struggle for legacy in as much as it appears over political power, claims gossip. The Prosperitians are just as much subject to the laws of unintended consequences, gossip says.

    The administration is fighting an invasion of a locust army whose size is estimated to be 20 times larger than seen so far; the Coronavirus transmission is reaching a full-blown pandemic; and the economy is in the ICU, according to gossip. Desperate before the facts on the ground change to an irreversible stage with Ethiopia's determination to begin filling the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam GERD with water in July, Egypt's leaders are putting all the pressure they can muster on Ethiopia, gossip observed.

    The diplomatic front is the most talked about; what is less said is the build-up of presence by Egypt in South Sudan, a country mid-wived by successive Ethiopian leaders, gossip revealed. In two months, Ethiopia will begin the catchment of 5. Egypt feels it has to stop this before Ethiopia's authorities concede to a deal that concerns issues far beyond the operations of the Dam, claims gossip.

    It will be about the sharing of the Nile waters. It has been some time since Egyptians were wooing South Sudanese with promises of mega infrastructure financing. However, it does not ring well in Addis Abeba to seeing many of the top 10 South Sudanese leaders who contracted the Coronavirus travelling to Cairo for hospitalisation, gossip claims. Add to this list unusually frequent visits by senior military generals of South Sudan to Cairo, gossip disclosed. In a situation where diplomacy fails, and military confrontation escalates, South Sudan will likely be the launchpad for Egypt's operations, claims gossip.

    Whether they will cooperate or undermine each other in the face of such an impending threat, it will be a test of historical magnitude for both Properitians and TPLFites on their loyalty to the Ethiopian state, claims gossip.

    Australian Outlook

    Violence and ethnic tensions are flaring up in other parts of Ethiopia. The war in Tigray has no clear end, and the reports of killing and rape and looting are still happening. A simplified administrative map of Ethiopia. The Tigrayan-led government presided over rapid economic growthbut not all of it was equal, and many Ethiopians felt left behind.

    In andafter decades in power, the government faced popular protests over human rights abuses, corruption, and inequality. They elected Abiy Ahmed, a relative newcomer from the Oromo, as the leader.

    Abiy began to establish himself as a democratizer, releasing political prisoners and promising free and fair elections. He also pursued peace with neighboring Eritrea. The two countries had gone to war in over a disputed border in Badme also in the Tigray regionand though they signed a peace deal init had basically become a stalematewith occasional skirmishes erupting for 20 years. All of this made Abiy a star in Africa and around the world. A looted office in a school that was allegedly shelled by Eritrean forces, in Wukro, Ethiopia, on March 1.

    AFP via Getty Images Experts noted this kind of rhetoric had the effect of blurring the lines between the TPLF leadership — which had earned legitimate criticisms after decades in power — and the Tigrayan people themselves. The Tigray region held elections anyway in September in an act of defiance.

    Six months later, the war grinds on. It took until the end of March for Abiy to publicly acknowledge that Eritrean troops were present in Tigray.

    Shortly after, the Ethiopian government said Eritrean troops were withdrawingthough the TPLF had said there were no signs of any exit.

    Ethiopia to designate TPLF, OLF-Shene as ‘terror’ groups

    A top United Nations officials also said last week that there was no sign Eritrea was leaving. Ethiopia and Eritrea have a long and tangled history, but to understand it, it helps to start after World War II, when world powers decided the fate of Eritrea after its previous colonizer, Italy, lost control of its territory in East Africa. Ten years later, Ethiopia annexed Eritrea, leading to a protracted battle for independence that culminated in an Eritrean independence referendum in the early s.

    They were both opposed to rule in Addis Ababa and had cultural and linguistic ties, but the two movements had ideological differences. It was, in some ways, a relationship of necessity, and tensions simmered — and sometimes spilled out into the open — even when they were partners. At first, the disputes were minor. But inEritrea and Ethiopia went to war over a disputed border town. The two signed a peace agreement inallowing an independent commission would settle the status of the area.

    That led to two decades of tension and sporadic fighting. More than 60, refugees have fled to neighboring Sudan since fighting began in November Isaias wanted freedom from the TPLF. The Tigray elections provoked even more acrimony with Abiy, though the momentum toward conflict had already been set in motion. Amhara militias have reportedly taken control of parts of western Tigray.

    Amhara officials say the TPLF annexed this territory when it came to power inand say it rightfully belongs to them and they are re-seizing it. But Tigrayan civilians and officials claim that the militias are now forcibly driving out the Tigrayan civilians who live there through a campaign of threats and violence.

    Amharan officials have denied this, despite growing evidence of a campaign of ethnic cleansing. Theirs is one of a more unified Ethiopia with one national identity, albeit with them in control. Abiy, too, has adopted that more unified vision, so the Amhara and Abiy found a politically beneficial partnership. But in aligning with the Amhara, just as with the Eritreans, Abiy is also putting his political survival in their hands.

    He, as other experts I spoke to did, thought Abiy showed his ineptitude and inexperience. All of this has put Abiy in a very perilous position. The father escaped. Researchers and human rights groups have slowly begun to compile accounts like this, piecing together a troubling picture of cruelty and violence happening inside Tigray. Communications and electricity blackouts, especially outside the major cities, have made it difficult to get information.

    Witnesses and victims also fear speaking out will provoke reprisal; their attackers are still lurking, still a threat. A Tigrayan woman, who says she was gang-raped by Amhara fighters, speaks to a doctor at the Sudanese Red Crescent clinic near the Sudan-Ethiopia border in March. A USAID report included testimony from one woman who said she and five others were gang-raped by 30 Eritrean troops, as the soldiers laughed and took pictures.

    In schools and administrative offices, people were forced to speak Tigrinya only.

    TPLF and Shene designated as terrorist organisations

    Names of places, rivers, lakes, mountains, springs, cities and regions were changed from Amharic to Tigrinya names. Indigenous Welkait Amhara ask for basic civil and democratic rights Despite these violent experiencesaffected people chose a peaceful response.

    They requested state institutions recognise their indigenous Amhara identity and end discrimination. They summarised their grievances, attached evidence and submitted the letter to the zonal, regional and federal offices on 17 December Each office refused to hear the case.

    Some argued that it is a matter of identity, others that it pertains to borders. According to the constitution, the former should have been dealt with on the state or zonal level, the latter on the federal.

    Ethiopia: TPLF Becomes a ‘Terrorist’ Organization

    In sum, the appointed Committee brought its issue forward in a peaceful and democratic way, based on legitimate claims and the laws of the country. A government response of arbitrary arrests, torture and killings Half a year later, the Tigray region still refused to deal with the question. Committee member Colonel Demeke Zewdu clashed with and resisted the soldiers who came at night to arrest him without a court order.

    These arbitrary arrests of Welkait Committee members triggered a chain of protests across the Amhara region. The Welkait question, combined with similar cases in Oromia and other regions, became a national question for democratisation and justice. Peaceful protesters expressed concerns regarding the unequal distribution of power and economic exploitation by those aligned to the TPLF government.

    Colonel Demeke Zewdu, credited for spurring democratisation in Ethiopia, insisted on peaceful and democratic processes following the rule of law, despite harassment and life threats. His insistence on lawful procedures was regarded as a starting point for political reform processes under Abiy Ahmed.

    In the meeting, they agreed that the Tigray security forces must stop harassing and killing civilians. Ahmed promised that the Welkait Committee would be able to work in peace and that the Welkait question would be dealt with according to the constitution. In exchange, he demanded the Committee keep the people calm. However, while the committee members in Gondar were free, the TPLF terror has gotten worse in the annexed areas.


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